Other Operating Revenue Other operating Negative factors include: The impact The decrease in the effective To supplement our results prepared In February , we applied A substantial rise in the Net cash used in financing Net cash provided by operating Many of our critical accounting We use the non-GAAP financial The following is a reconciliation General and Administrative Expense General We also intend to utilize These types of capital equipment In addition, our non-GAAP financial In , the following specific A significant revenue reversal is Further estimates may change on Our business is capital intensive We adjust for these items The input method utilizes the The following terms used within Receive an e-mail as soon as a company files an Annual Report, Quarterly Report or has new 8-K corporate news.
Remove data columns and navigations in order to see much more filing content and tables in one view. Electric utilities, oil and gas companies, and mining companies would be strongly affected by mitigation legislation. The coalitions to oppose carbon caps have a membership that extends far beyond the energy companies. The National Institute on Money in State Politics analyzed contributions given by players with a strong stance on climate change legislation.
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The Institute found that:. The National Institute on Money in State Politics analyzed the contributions made between and to state-level candidates, party committees, and ballot measure committees by more than 3, members of 13 industry associations that monitor and influence climate change legislation.
The Institute only examined contributions from companies and their political action committees, not individuals who worked for those companies. For its analysis, the Institute selected certain members of the American Council for Capital Formation, all members of the National Association of Manufacturers, as well as members of other prominent organizations that have spoken against carbon control, such as the Alliance for Energy and Economic Growth, and the Consumer Energy Alliance.
Appendix A provides more information about the organizations that were included. The Institute also analyzed the to contributions of identified alternative energy companies and pro-environment groups. This report examines state-provided lists of registered lobbyists in and The most recent, America's Climate Security Act of also known as the Warner-Lieberman Act , called for a cap-and-trade system to reduce American carbon emissions by 63 percent by the year NAM and ACCF jointly released a study citing massive job losses and skyrocketing energy prices if such legislation would pass.
Their study claimed that as a direct result of that legislation, the U. Chevron Corp. Next was Aera Energy of California, a joint venture of Shell and ExxonMobil, which gave exclusively to ballot measures. The U. The unsuccessful Proposition 87, on the ballot in California, attracted 88 cents of every dollar spent on all measures. Bing, a California film producer.
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Other prominent measures in California included the failed Proposition 80, which would have regulated electric utility companies, and Proposition 1A, which passed and prevented the diversion of gas taxes from transportation projects. In Alaska, industry efforts to defeat Measure 2 paid off. Measure 2 would have levied a new state tax on certain oil and gas leases overlying large deposits of natural gas.
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Industry provided 99 percent of the funding to defeat the measure. Amendment 37 required certain Colorado utilities to generate or purchase a portion of their electric power from renewable resources. The top ten contributors gave 94 percent of the contributions to energy-related ballot measures. Oil companies dominated the list, largely to defeat California's Proposition Coalition members identified in this study had a significant lobbying presence in statehouses across the country. These corporations hired 7, lobbyists to represent them to state legislatures and executives.
Electric utilities had by far the largest lobbying presence of all the various industries represented by the companies in this analysis, averaging almost 2, lobbyists per year distributed across all 50 states. The electric utilities hired two and a half times as many lobbyists as all the Chambers of Commerce, which averaged lobbyists per year.
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Illinois had the highest number of registered lobbyists. Texas, Florida and Pennsylvania also showed high numbers of registered lobbyists working for these coalitions. Accenture, which averaged lobbyists, is a global management consulting, technology services and outsourcing company. The Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers, representing 10 auto companies, employed lobbyists, one-third of whom worked in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. The General energy category includes companies that fit more than one classification, such as Dominion and Duke Energy, electric utilities with large natural gas holdings; and TECO Energy, an electric utility involved in coal mining.
Just 2 percent of the contributions went to candidates for other statewide offices. The money given to support or oppose ballot measures was almost exclusively directed at California, where voters decided several energy-related ballot measures. In general, contributions from the energy industry favored Republican candidates and committees.
Railroads and mining interests favored Republicans by a 2-to-1 margin. Six of the ten largest donors were electric utilities. The energy industry favored Republican recipients. Republican and Democratic party committees in California and Florida received the most money overall. Of the top ten party recipients, seven were Republican Party committees.
The industry also heavily supported winners, as well as officials not up for election. Among legislative candidates, incumbents and winners were favored even more. You're Reading a Free Preview Pages 17 to 26 are not shown in this preview. You're Reading a Free Preview Pages 30 to 36 are not shown in this preview. You're Reading a Free Preview Pages 40 to 47 are not shown in this preview.
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